“My roommate left with her friends, taking the train to head to the border between mainland China and Hong Kong. From there they would take the subway to Shenzhen. Like many mainland students, she almost fled without taking much personal stuff. Before she headed out, she turned and asked me one more time: ‘Are you sure you are staying?’
In the Wechat group made up of international students and mainland Chinese students, everyone is texting with worry: does the campus bus still run? Is the subway station blocked or not? Will it be SAFE to leave now?
This is Hong Kong in the middle of November, 2019. Three months ago this place was still one of the most vibrant, bustling cities and a reputable international financial center. Now all you can see is streets filled with broken windows, stacked chairs and self-made brick walls. The University has been closed down for three days. The 7-11 on the ground floor of our dorm room was running out of food. My friend and I have to head to the closest hospital to eat at their staff cafeteria. With the escalating conflicts between the police and the protestors, no one can see the future with certainty.”
--Diary on November 12, 2019. 8:30PM.
The 2019-2020 Hong Kong Protests, also known as the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement, were a series of protests in Hong Kong in response to the introduction of the Fugitive Offenders amendment bill by the Hong Kong government. The bill would have allowed extradition to jurisdictions with which Hong Kong did not have extradition agreements, including mainland China and Taiwan. This led to concerns that Hong Kong residents and visitors would be exposed to the legal system of mainland China, which citizens believed would undermine Hong Kong's autonomy and infringe on civil liberties.
Historically, Hong Kong was a British colony for more than 150 years. The Hong Kong Island was ceded to the UK in 1842. The economy of Hong Kong started to take off after the 1950s as it became one of the major ports that connects Asia and the western countries, as well as becoming a manufacturing hub. In 1997, the British and Chinese governments made an agreement for Hong Kong to “return to China,” under the principle of “one country, two systems.”
“One country, two systems” guaranteed the autonomy of Hong Kong government with a voting parliament and a functioning constitution. Under such policy, Hong Kong would enjoy a “high degree of autonomy, except in foreign and defense affairs” for 50 years. The legal system in Hong Kong is independent “common law” which guarantees freedom of assembly, freedom of speech, as well as freedom of press.
Hong Kong people share a unique cultural identity. Although most people are ethnically Chinese, many of them do not identify as Chinese. This trend is growing among young people of ages 18 to 29. Unlike their parents or grandparents’ generations, these young people are less likely to identify themselves as Chinese. Rather, they like to call themselves Hong Kongers, and they take pride in such identity. Hong Kongers share certain cultural traits. For example, young Hong Kongers often prefer speaking Cantonese, despite the increasing popularity of Mandarin. From observations I made at the Hong Kong University, there are language barriers between “local students” who generally play with locals and speak Cantonese, and “mainland students” who share the same background from Mainland China.
The protests in Hong Kong started early in June, way before I arrived. One of the protests is said to have had over one million people joining the march, which is an astonishing one in seven of the whole Hong Kong population. As I remember, August and September seemed to be rather peaceful, with the protesters trying to sit down with the government to come up with a deal.
Since mid-September, the affairs started to escalate. First, there were several police shootings that resulted in protesters’ injuries or deaths. Several news outlets that took the side of Hong Kongers, including the Stand News and Apple Daily, started to post pictures of people getting injured and reported daily clashes between protesters and police. I remember seeing posters on the university campus almost everywhere I went. The posters read: “Glory to Hong Kong.”
Despite the unrest and tense atmosphere, most classes were held normally. HKU honors diversity and inclusion by recruiting faculties and students from all over the world. The school tried to maintain this delicate balance among different student groups. While students could freely discuss political matters in their spare time, most discussions were disallowed in class to maintain a peaceful environment. However, sensitive students had already felt something being different. Some local students would skip classes to attend protests, and some of them started to organize rallies within the school, oftentimes in the form of singing and yelling slogans. The tension heightened as October 1, the National Day of China, approached. On this day, a group of pro-China students were distributing some Chinese national flags on the University Street. They were confronted by a group of local students soon. More and more students gathered to support their sides. Eventually the incident was resolved after the campus police took charge to calm down both parties.
The Hong Kong government formally withdrew the extradition bill on September 4, yet the protest does not seem to calm down. They asked for “five demands,” including forming a commission of inquiry into alleged police brutality, retracting the classification of protesters as “rioters,” and dual universal suffrage.
Not far into October, the Starbucks on campus was smashed one night, and no one knew who did it. The accusation was that Hong Kong Starbucks operates under the Maxim Company, which was alleged to have an association with the Chinese government. Local students also boycotted several other dining places operating under such a company.
Being in the center of a “riot” seemed to worry my friends and family who read what was happening on the news. They often messaged or called in a worried tone to ask whether everything was okay. Life went on, yet I recall a time when my friend and I were out on the bustling shopping center at Causeway Bay, and a group of protestors who started out peacefully began to clash with the police who were supposed to maintain safety and order. I have never seen such a situation - hundreds, maybe even thousands, of people standing against several police officers. My friend and I quickly ran to the subway station to take the train back. Before I left, I saw a dozen police cars rushing over to the street. Since then, before heading out, I always checked with the “daily protesting schedule” that would come out to see where protests would take place.
Bentley has operational procedures to deal with emergencies abroad - before we arrived at Hong Kong, we were required to attend several seminars that prepare students for emergency situations. Every student was asked to download an app that alerts for potential threats in the area. I had never thought that I would use it one day, but in fact, the app almost saved my life. Bentley’s Hong Kong abroad program coordinator, Ms. Laura Bentley, also warmly helped me along the way. After the school went out of class in mid-November, Bentley offered the choice to head back to the US like many other universities that facilitate the abroad program. When the coordinator asked me about my plans, I replied: “From my most recent observation I think the hall I am staying in now looks pretty safe. Things also have gotten better a little since last week, so I think I will likely stay longer in Hong Kong.”
When does protesting go too far? Is it still righteous when the victims of violence turn on others and become the perpetrator of another party? Does freedom of speech protect speech of everyone, or does it only protect the majority?
I once had a serious talk with a local student who attends the Polytech University of Hong Kong. He is the son of my parents’ friends who I called auntie and uncle. They invited me over to dinner to celebrate the mid-autumn festival. We inevitably talked about politics. The student, Michael, became very compassionate and excited when he spoke about what was happening. His parents seemed worried: “Our oldest son stopped going to school,” auntie said. “What a mess.”
Because of my multicultural background and my liberal arts classes at Bentley, I gladly can take a broader stand to try to understand both parties. I recall learning about international relationships in the class GLS116 with Professor Zheng. I still recall learning the theory called the zero-sum game. The theory states that countries go into fierce competition because of limited resources, and as they expand, there are inevitable conflicts. I also recall taking an EMS class called Introduction of Cultural Studies with Professor Aslinger, where we discussed the biases in mass communication. This allows me to view clashes among different ideologies on a neutral ground. In my history class with Professor Zajdband, I learned that all things have a cause, and understanding the unique historical and cultural identities of Hong Kong people is crucial to facilitate an equal ground of communication.
Eventually, I realized, just as I spoke to one of my local friends: “What is more dangerous than a corrupted legal system,” I said, “is a biased society.”
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